THE ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) retained power in the Singapore parliamentary election on May 7, taking 81 of the total 87 seats at stake – an enormous margin by any measure.
Although a landslide, the victory hadn’t been sweet by PAP standard, considering the party which has ruled the island state since self-government in 1959, won more seats in 2006 — 82 of the 84. The number of seats was gerrymandered to 87 for the 2011 polls.
Walk-overs were common in past elections but there was only one this time around — Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew’s team winning the Tanjung Pagar GRC by default after the opposition filed their papers late.
In the latest election, the government lost six seats to the Workers’ Party (WP) which defied the odds to wrest the PAP stronghold of Aljunied Group Representation Constituency (GRC) — a significant breakthrough for the opposition in the normally compliant city state.
The WP’s win may appear modest but it’s the opposition’s best shot since Singapore left the Federation of Malaysia and became an independent state in 1965. Ostensibly in the Aljunied rout, there were some big PAP casualties — Foreign Minister George Yeo, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Lim Hwee Hua and Senior Minister Zainul Abidin Rasheed, slated to be Speaker of Parliament had he won.
In fact, since 1997, the opposition have been having morsel representation in parliament with only two MPs. Their extra four seats have prompted Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong to concede the opposition’s gains marked a “distinct shift” in Singapore’s politics.
“This is a watershed general election. It’s a very different world in 2011 compared to 2006 and a very different Singapore. PAP will undergo some soul-searching,” said Lee whose apology for the government’s shortcomings in the hustings reportedly swung the votes. His GRC won Ang Mo Kio with increased support (69.3 per cent from 66.1 per cent in 2006).
Singapore has a unicarmel (single chamber) parliament with a unique electoral twist in the form of Single Member Constituencies (SMCs) and Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs). SMCs are one-on-one affairs whereas GRCs, introduced in 1988, must have four, five or six representatives and the party that wins the constituency gets them all.
There is a third system – the Non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) system – created to allow as many as nine ‘best losers’ to join parliament albeit with certain decision-making restrictions.
In the 2011 election, the NCMP formula, widely seen as another PAP trump card, had, ironically, favoured the opposition. Being the best losers in two areas — Joo Chiat SMC and East Coast GRC – the WP are entitled to two NCMP appointees while a third will go to the Singapore People’s Party (SPP) in Potong Pasir SMC.
Even so, against the ruling party’s overwhelming majority, the opposition, despite their gains (six MPs and three NCMP nominees), will still be hard put to raise thunderclaps in parliament but with 40 per cent of the popular votes, they at least can raise the decibel of currency as an opposition to the mighty PAP.
Immigration was among the contentious election issues. Singaporeans are complaining they now have to fight with outsiders for jobs. The counter-argument is that foreigners are doing most of the low-end jobs Singaporeans shun anyway.
As for high-end jobs, the gripe is that most are held by foreign talents purportedly stemming from the PAP government’s emphasis on ‘brain gain’. While generally unhappy with the prevailing situation, most Singaporeans do admit to concerns that should expat workers exit both sectors, the citizens themselves may not be able fill the void.
Noted a foreign bank officer: “There are people doing jobs you don’t want or can’t do. What will happen if they leave? Getting foreign replacements only means going back to square one.”
Other issues raised were rising living costs, unaffordable housing, high salaries of cabinet ministers and poignantly, the lack of healthcare. Indeed, in a state with little welfare provision, people in their late 70s are commonly seen working in restaurants or supermarkets.
Singaporeans have given the WP an opportunity to provide real checks and balances. They expect the opposition to not just ask questions but ask better questions of the government.
The PAP needs to change course in the new term. Its popularity rating has slipped from 75.3 per cent in 2001 to 66.6 per cent in 2006 and 60.1 per cent in 2011. The trend may continue unless it learns to listen to the voices of the populace.
Punishing opposition areas and Singaporeans will mean ignoring the voters’ signal for the PAP to change its style of government.
Disregarding the writings on the wall may prove counter-productive and further erode the PAP’s support. The better option is revisiting and addressing some of long-standing policies. Ultimately, this will help the government regain the people’s trust.