Rebranding raises more questions than answers – Don

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Prof James Chin

(updated at 7:30 am)

KUCHING: The ‘rebranding’ of Barisan Nasional (BN) Sarawak will not solve the big issues when ‘the big hidden hand behind Sarawak BN’ is still calling the shots.

Without naming the person, academician and political analyst Prof James Chin wonders if the ‘big hidden hand’ would also call the shots for the new coalition of Sarawak’s political parties, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS).

Yesterday, Chief Minister Datuk Patinggi Abang Johari Tun Openg told the press that Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) and Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) were ‘leaving BN’ and would be joining GPS, which would continue the struggles of former chief minister, the late Pehin Sri Adenan Satem in claiming for the return of Sarawak’s rights from the federal government.

Chin, who is a professor at a university in Tasmania Australia, argued that when one rebrands political parties, usually at a minimum, it means a change in leadership but in the rebranding of BN Sarawak, there is no leadership change at all.

He said the move to form GPS raises more questions than providing answers.

“This was widely expected. I’m sure the leaders of the state (Sarawak) BN were already thinking of exiting from the BN on the night of May 9 when they saw the federal BN fall from power and at the back of their minds was the next state election due in 2021, with the BN brand so toxic, they really did not have a choice.

“What was not stated in the statement (BN Sarawak’s press statement delivered to the media) is even more revealing. I am referring to two things. Firstly, what is the nature of the understanding with Pakatan Harapan (PH) at federal level? Obviously they are not the enemies of GPS but they are not in a pact as well. Does this mean GPS will support PH in some areas and not in others?

“What does it mean for 2021 – will GPS fight Sarawak PH? Are we going back in time, back in 1987 when PBDS (Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak) was in the opposition at state-level but member of the federal government? So now we have PH as the state opposition, but holds power at Putrajaya.

“Secondly what about other parties that want to join GPS? The most obvious one is UPP. Can it join GPS?” he questioned.

Like BN Sarawak or GPS, PH Sarawak is also using the controversies surrounding the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) as political tool to woo voters, Chin pointed out.

“Sarawak PH is also claiming to stand on MA63. So what happens if Putrajaya says you can only get back MA63 powers if Sarawak PH wins in 2021? It is really interesting to note that both states in Borneo are now under non-PH government. In Sabah, it is Warisan Plus and in Sarawak, GPS. Will we see a new form of federalism appearing in Malaysia?”

Chin said if PH does very well in tackling corruption, then GPS could be in political trouble since the ‘big hidden hand’ is protected by GPS, which might pay a political price in the next Sarawak election.

He also opined that “there is not a chance in hell” for PH Sarawak and GPS to form a unity government as DAP people are really bitter about Taib and Abang Jo.

“When you rebrand political parties, usually, a minimum, means a change in leadership, in this rrbrand, no leadership changes at all.

“Rebrand aso does not solve the big issues in Sarawak, that is, the big hidden hand behind Sarawak BN, since he calls the shots in Sarawak BN, will be call the shots in GPS,” Chin asked.

He said as far as Sarawak is concerned, the BN Sarawak or GPS would stay as it is.

Another academician and political analyst, university senior lecturer Lee Kuok Tiung, believed that GPS would cooperate and collaborate with the PH federal government for national interest and Sarawak’s rights and interests based on the Federal Constitution and the Federation of Malaysia.

“This is the most important part. As the federal government is PH now, GPS must come up with an approach that can maintain good rapport and relationship with federal government.

“However, there is a high possibility in the case of federal government to form a unity government and the delay in doing so is probably the reason why Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohammad has not appointed any MP from Sabah and Sarawak in his federal cabinet of ministers,” said Lee.

Lee said based on historical fact, the opposition states had always been discriminated by the federal government.

“For instance, Kelantan and Terengganu didn’t even get their five per cent oil royalty and then Sabah, under PBS, was sidelined for several years,” he said.

The recent move by Petronas in filing an application in the Federal Court over the ownership right of oil and gas resources in Malaysia, including Sarawak, is a hint for ‘something political’, he added.

Lee said the formation of GPS with the four component parties disassociating themselves from the BN fold is not only interesting, but also a strategic and wise move by BN Sarawak under the chairmanship of Abang Johari, in the run-up to the next Sarawak election.

In a related development, Dr Mahathir told a press conference in Tokyo, Japan yesterday that the ruling PH government now has a stronger backing in Parliament, following the pledge of support by the newly-formed Sarawak alliance GPS.

“They are not members of (Pakatan) Harapan but they have pledged their support for the Harapan government; so now we have a very strong support in Parliament. Even Terengganu has pledged support for the Harapan government,” said the premier.

In the May 9 parliamentary election, BN only secured 79 out of 222 seats.

With the four parties in BN Sarawak leaving, BN is only left with 60 parliamentary seats.

 

Editor’s Note: In the earlier version, the quote on paragraph 19 “However, there is a high possibility in the case of federal government to form a unity government and the delay in doing so is probably the reason why Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohammad has not appointed any MP from Sabah and Sarawak in his federal cabinet of ministers.” has been inadvertently attributed to Prof James Chin. The actual opinion of Chin has been added in paragraphs 13-15. Error is regretted.